Moi's regime, despite international pressure, is still anchored in a feudal absolutism. KANU is supported today mainly by the poorest ethnic groups, Kalenjin, Maasai, Samburu, peoples of the northeast and some small coastal groups, who depend on aid and grants from the state and have fewer opportunities for education. The opposition is sustained by Kikuyu and Luo, regions and communities economically more developed, where ambitions exceed what Kenya can -and KANU wants to- offer to qualified professionals. This leveraging of KANU in the most impoverished sectors leads to a hostile attitude towards intellectualism that shows up in the constant distrust towards the University and the press. Colleges are shutdown periodically upon the minor protest, and freedom of expression is still seriously restricted. With the opening to the multi-party system, publications of every political colour thrived, but KANU keeps a close eye on all that is published and some rotary presses have been dismantled by the police.

Social cohabitation has deteriorated ever since independence. Artificial borders drawn with ruler by the colonial powers ignored tribal demarcations, drawing a map of Africa that is a constant menace for the nations' cohesion. It is possible that someday the different ethnic groups learn to coexist in peace, but by then the price of death and blood will have been too high. Kenya hardly maintains unity, probably thanks to the fact that the tribal mosaic is formed by large depressed patches, KANU supporters, separated by fertile and densely populated opponent regions. But the violence goes on, and in the most affected communities the Kikuyu oathing against rival tribes has reappeared. Over the last years, the Isiolo area, south of Samburu, has been one of the main hotspots of ethnic riots. Immigration of Somalis invading the Boran lands has triggered real battles that extend to other tribes in the area.

Kenya's international image has deteriorated progressively due to restrictions in freedom of expression and systematic violation of human rights. Torture to prisoners is a usual practice and national organisations working for human rights have to do so from outside the country. Accusations from international NGOs and foreign press do not seem to have a great effect in the concept many Kenyans have of their state and their politicians. It is known that corruption is a first order problem in the circles of power, but Moi attributes these attitudes to dissident sectors. Moi's usual speech follows the same line which is characteristic in other African leaders: politically correct when he addresses the Westworld, whose investment and aid he covets, but when he speaks to the poor black Africans, every harm or wrong in the country is attributed to the consequences of the Colony days, the spoliation of the Kenyan people by the foreign powers, international passiveness and bad management of NGOs. Easy victimism, demagogic nationalism and concealed racism against the white minority are present in the messages preached by the leaders to the Kenyan people. Meanwhile, misery is merciless with Kenyans every year that rains do not meet expectations. However, Kenyatta's and Moi's portraits preside over even the smallest premise and people worship Kenyatta as the homeland's father, not realising that perhaps every homeland is parented by all citizens alike. In spite of Moi's constantly broken promises to act against corruption, many people seem sunken in negligence like waiting for better times to come, whilst they still wait hopeless for a land sharing that was never done. The sons of the Mau-Mau freedom fighters are so poor in the black man's country as their parents were under the Colonial boot.